J.J. Modi, The Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees, Bombay, 1922

rcc

THE RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES
AND
CUSTOMS OF THE PARSEES.

By
JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI,
B.A., PH.D., C.I.E.,
FELLOW OF THE UNIVERSITY OF BOMBAY (1887), DIPL. LITTERIS ET
ARTIBUS (SWEDEN, 1889), SHUMS-UL-ULAMA (INDIA, 1893), OFFICIER
D'ACADÉMIE (FRANCE, 1898), OFFICIÉR DE L'INSTRUCTION
PUBLIQUE (FRANCE, 1902), CAMPBELL MEDALLIST,
B. B. R. ASIATIC SOCIETY (1918).

1922
BRITISH INDIA PRESS, MAZAGON, BOMBAY.

TO
THE TRUSTEES — PAST AND PRESENT,
OF
THE FUNDS AND PROPERTIES OF THE
PARSEE PANCHÂYET

Whom — and through them the Parsee Community —
I have tried to serve, to the best of my poor abilities,
For a long period of nearly 30 years,
As a Souvenir
Of my long connection with their Board as their Secretary,
And as a Token of Gratitude
For all that they have been pleased to do to help me in my Duties and to encourage me in my Studies.

JIVANJI JAMSHEDJI MODI.

[v] PREFACE.	Notes:
This book has grown out of the work of study, undertaken for the Dictionary of Religion and Ethics published by Dr. Hastings. In his letter dated 26th December 1905, Dr. Hastings, invited me to be a contributor to his Dictionary on the subject of Parsee Religious Ceremonies and customs. A complete compendium of all the Religious Ceremonies and Customs of the Parsees was wanting. So, on receiving the above invitation, I proposed to go thoroughly into the study of whole subject, and this book is the result. Here and there, I have re-cast the subjects as originally written.
My name was kindly submitted to Dr. Hastings by the late Dr. Mills, Professor of Iranian Languages at the University of Oxford. So, Dr. Hastings, at his suggestion, asked me to give "the closest possible description" of the ceremonies and customs. Dr. Mills also had written to me direct, to "be absolutely exhaustive as to details." Ere this, I had found, that a detailed description of the ceremonies and customs was wanted by scholars, especially foreign, as it would help them their elucidation of some Avesta and Pahlavi texts. For I found that my paper on the Funeral Ceremonies of the Parsees, read before the Anthropological Society of Bombay, had been of some use to the late Prof. James Darmesteter in his translation of the Vendidad.¹ Prof. A. V. W. Jackson, when he was in Bombay in 1901, had drawn my attention to the want of a detailed description of religious ceremonies, especially the Purification Ceremonies of the Bareshnûm. Then, in a letter dated 8th March, he wrote: "May I not urge you to write a detailed monograph of the Bareshnum I spoke [vi] to you on the subject that morning when I was at Colaba? Such a treatise giving an the Ceremonies would be important." I know, that the want of such a book was felt, at times, in Courts of Justice, when there were cases in the matter of the Wills of Testators who directed certain religious ceremonies to be performed, and when there was the question of the proper significations of the ceremonies. I knew of a case, in which the learned Judge had to refer to Dr. Haug's Essays on the Parsees for the explanation of certain Ceremonies. In another case, the present Parsee Advocate General studied with some interest, for an explanation of some ceremonies, my rough copy of the mannscript sent to Dr. Hastings. So, bearing all the above suggestions and matters in mind, I have tried to be somewhat exhaustive, and hope, that the book will be of some use to students of Comparative Religion. I am glad to observe, from the preface of "The Comparative Study of Religions"² by Prof. Widgery of the University of Cambridge, that the advanced proof pages of this book, of which he speaks as "an exhaustive treatise on Social and Religions Customs of the Parsees," have been of some use to the author. Students of Comparative Religion may, in the matter of the religious ceremonies and customs of the Parsees, look to this book as a kind of a Dictionary of Parseeism. The exhaustive Index will help them to use it as such. I beg to tender my best thanks to my friend, Mr. Bomanji Nusserwanji Dhabhar M. A., for its preparation.	1. In his Appendix A, to the eighth chapter of the Vendidad, entitled "Ceremonies funèbres chez les Parses," he thus refers to it: "Nous grand usage dans cet exposé d'une excellente êtude de M Jivanji Modi" (Le Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 146 n. 1.) 2. "The Comparative Study of Religions. A systematic Survey," by Alban G. Widgery, Lecturer in the Philosophy of Religion in the University of Cambridge; formerly Professor of Philosophy and the Comparative Study of Religions, the College, Baroda, Preface p. IX.
I think that, irrespective of the question of the want of such a book by the students of Religion and Anthropology, it will be found of some use to my community in general. The times are rapidly changing. The 'new' has been springing rapidly upon the 'old'. As often said, the heresy of to-day becomes [vii] the orthodoxy of tomorrow; the liberalism of this year, the conservatism of the next. The reader will find, that many a ceremony, ritual, or custom has been spoken of, as having become obsolete or as being more honoured in the breach than in the observance. Many more will be obsolete in the course of a few years. Customs are often as despotic as fashions, but they also change as fashions. So, this work will, it is hoped, serve, to a certain extent, as a record of what was once, and what is now prevalent.
Some of the religious ceremonies and customs are good in themselves from a sanitary or hygienic point of view. As Prof. Max Muller says: "There is a reason at the bottom of everything, however, it seems unreasonable to us, in the customs and laws of the ancient world."³ What is said of the old symbolism stands good, to a certain extent, for some old customs: "The Symbolism of today preserves the serious belief of yesterday and what, in an age more or less distant, was a vital motive, inspiring an appropriate course of conduct, survives in the conduct it has inspired, long after it has itself ceased to be active and powerful." But, we find that, at times, "too much of even a good thing" spoils that thing. This is so in the case of some religious ceremonies and customs. We find that, very particularly, in the case of some purificatory ceremonies, for example, the Bareshnûm. The original good simple ideas of purity, viz., freedom from contact with the impure, and isolation, if infection or impurity is caught or is believed to have been caught, are, at times, carried to tiresome extremes. No wonder, if they were so carried to extremes in olden times, when we see, that cases of that kind happen even in modern times, under an alarm or panic of a sudden epidemic, as that of Plague in Bombay in 1896-97. However, such extremes tend to obscure the original good object.	3. Max Muller's Science of Mythology.
[viii] In the rituals of purification, especially in that of the Bareshnum, as prescribed in the Vendidad, and as carried on later, we find such an extreme, ending in some tiresome intricacies. It seems that, at the end of the ninth century, there was, among the Zoroastrians of Persia itself, an attempt of a kind of revolt against the multiplicity or the intricacy of the ceremonies, and the standard of that revolt was raised by a prelate, Zadsparam, the high priest of Sirkan. But the revolt was suppressed by the higher ecclesiastical authority at Pars and Kerman. We find an account of this controversy in the Pahlavi Epistles of Manuscheher;⁴ It seems, that long before this, even in the times of the Pahlavi commentators, there arose some controversies about the intricacies and the details of the ritual of the Bareshnum.	4. Vide the interesting Introduction of Mr. Bomanji N. Dhabhar in his Nâmakîhâ-i Mânûshchîhar. Vide West's Introduction S. B. E. Vol. XVIII.
Goethe, that great German Hafiz, admires the view of the Purity of Elements (Fire, air, earth and water), as observed by the ancient Persians. He admires, what he calls, "Würde der Sämmtlichen Elemente" i.e., "The Dignity of Elements." He has attached to his Parsi-Nameh or Buch des Parsen, which forms the eleventh book of his West-Ôstliche Divan, some "Notes and Discussions (Noten und Abhandlungen). Therein, he says: "Their religion is clearly based on the dignity of all elements, as manifesting God's existence and power. Hence the sacred dread to pollute water, the air, earth. Such respect for all natural forces that surround man leads to every civic virtue. Attention, cleanliness, application are stimulated and fostered."⁵ Notwithstanding this admiration of the Dignity of the Elements, he runs down the later, what he calls, "endless tedium" of consecration and purification.	5. Vide my Paper on "Goethe's Parsi-nameh or Buch des Parsen", in the Journal of the B. B. R. A. Society, Vol. XXIV, pp. 66-95. Vide my Asiatic Papers, Part II, pp. 119-148.
[ix] Some of the intricate tedium of purification carried to an extreme from the original reasonable thoughts of sanitation and purification, has now passed off and is passing away. But as it often happens, in the rush or fashion of doing away with what was tedious or unnecessary and what formed the excrescences, some other customs, which are good from sanitary and other points of view of public utility, also are done away with. Even M. Renan of France, who was taken to be a heretic for his liberal thoughts and views, and who, therefore, cannot be suspected of any kind of undue conservatism, and who, though looking hopefully to the future, looked with respect to the past,⁶ looked with distrust at the attempt to throw off good with the bad. He said: "I fear that the work of the twentieth century will consist in taking out of thc waste paper basket a multitude of the excellent ideas which the nineteenth century has heedlessly thrown into it." The Parsees of the present day, are, I am afraid, doing something of that kind. This book, which records all the religious ceremonies and customs of the Parsees, will, at least, show to future generations, what was the good that was heedlessly thrown off, and what was the bad that was properly thrown of.	6. He said: "J'aime le passé mais, je porte envie a l'avenir."
In connection with this view of preserving what is good in the customs of the old, one may appropriately quote from Mr. Carpenter's Pagan and Christian Creeds (p. 266) the following passage: "Numerous instances might of course be adduced of how a Church, aspiring to be a real Church of Humanity, might adopt and re-create the rituals of the past in the light of a modern inspiration. Indeed, the difficult would be to limit the process; for every ancient ritual, we can now see, has had a meaning and a message, and it would be a real joy to disentangle these and to expose the profound solidarity of human thought and aspiration from the very dawn of civilization down to the present day. Nor would it be necessary to imagine any Act of Uniformity or dead level [x] of ceremonial in the matter. Different groups might concentrate on different phases of religious thought and practice. The only necessity would be that they should approach the subject with a real love of Humanity in their hearts and a real desire to come into touch with the deep inner life and mystic growing pains of the souls of men and women in all ages."
In describing some of my subjects I have tried to follow a suggestion of Dr. Hastings. He had asked the subjects to be treated, both from the Iranian or the ancient Zoroastrian and the Parsee or the modern Zoroastrian point of view. I have tried to show, here and there, how the modern practice and view differ from the ancient, referred to in the Avesta, Pahlavi, Pazand, and Persian books. I have generally tried to look at various subjects from a student's point of view and have merely described them as required. But in some places, where possible, I have tried to explain old beliefs and customs and to trace their origin.
Some of the subjects treated in the volume have been treated by me in various papers,⁷ read before the Anthropological Society of Bombay, and published in some form or another in the Journal of the Society. So I have tried to treat [xi] them, here and there, from the point of view of Cultural anthropology, and have given points of similarity with the beliefs and customs of other people. I have treated the whole subject under the following principal heads: — I. The Socio-Religious Ceremonies, which have been treated under the heads of (A) Birth, (B) Marriage and (C) Death Ceremonies. II. The Purification Ceremonies. which are treated under the sub-heads of (a) Nahn, (b) Riman, and (c) the Bareshnum, (d) with an additional chapter on the purification of articles supposed to have been contaminated. III. The Initiation Ceremonies, which have been treated under the sub-headings of (a) Naojote [navjote] or the Initiation of a child into the fold and (b) Navar and Martab, which are the two grades of Initiation into priesthood. IV. The Consecration Ceremonies, which treat of (a) the consecration of Fire-temples, (b) of the Towers of Silence, and (c) of Alat, or religious requisites.	7. These papers are the following. — Birth Customs and Ceremonies (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay. Vol. IX, pp. 568-82). Marriage Customs and Ceremonies (Vol. V, pp. 242-82). Funera1 Ceremonies (Vol. II. pp. 405-44). Purificatory Ceremonies. The Pâdyab and the Nân (Vol. XI, pp. 162-185.) Purificatory Ceremonies. The Bareshnûm and Riman (Vol. XI. pp. 224-289). Purificatory Ceremonies. Purificatory Processes in Daily life. (Vol XI. pp. 364-375). Initiation Ceremonies (Vol. XI, pp. 454-484). Consecration Ceremonies (Vol. XI, pp. 496-544). The Inner Liturgical Ceremonies. The Yasna (Vol XI, pp. 996-1055). The Outer Liturgical Ceremonies (Vol. XII, pp. 39-91).
V. The Liturgical ceremonies, which are treated under two principal heads: (A) The first head speaks of the Inner Liturgical services and treats of (a) the Yasna, (b) the Visparad, (c) the Vendidad, and (d) the Baj. (B) The second head speaks of the Outer Liturgical ceremonies of (a) the Afringan, (b) the Farokhshi, and (c) the Satum. An additional chapter treats of several ceremonies which are groups of more than one ceremony.
I beg to thank Rev. Hastings for the courtesy to let me use my articles in his Dictionary for the purpose of some of the subjects of this book. FATEHMA LODGE, 1 WOODHOUSE ROAD, COLABA, Bombay. 5th November 1922.

[xii is blank]

[xiii]

[xvi]

I. SOCIO-RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS. CHAPTER I. BIRTH CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.
Birth, and auspicious events	1
Pregnancy	3
The fifth and other months of pregnancy	4
Place of Delivery	5
Lamp lighted on the birth of a child	5
Period of confinement	6
Isolation and Purification	8
The first drink after birth	8
Naming the child	8
Birthday, Childhood	12
CHAPTER II. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.
Marriage, a good institution prererred by God	14
Helping Marriage, a meritorious act. Herodotus	15
Marriageable age	16
Betrothal. Divo (lamp) and Adarni	17-19
Marriage day and time, Sacred bath	20-21
Marriage Dress, marks, presents, dowry, and procession	22-23
Welcoming Ceremonies. Ceremonial fire. Witnesses.	29-31
Ceremonies. Tying the knot. Hand fastening. Encircling. Throwing of rice	31-34
Religious Ceremony. The Benediction	35-41
Fastening the skirts. Washing the feet. Eating together	42
Playing together. Entertainment, Menu	44-46
Divorce	47
[xiv] CHAPTER III. FUNERAL CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS. I.- Ceremonies relating to the Disposal of the body.
The object of observances, summed up in two words.	61
Washing the shroud. Akhiânah. The last drink of Haoma juice, Final Bath. Isolation of the Corpse	52-55
The Shroud, Paywand, Direction of the head.	55-57
The Kasha or Boundary line. The Sanitary isolation.	57-58
The Sag-did	58
The presence of Fire. Prayers, Time of removal	61-62
The corpse-bearers; Their even number	62
The Geh sârnâ recital. The Bâj. The last look and the removal	64-66
The Gaomez as a purifier	66
The funeral Procession. The disposal	66-69
The Tower of Silence	70
The Solicitude for the living. Segregation and disinfection	73
A few observances in the house	74
II.- Ceremonies relating to the Soul.
The Picture of one's Deeds. Number three	76-77
The Sarosh Ceremonies. The Oothamnâ	77-80
Commemoration. Adoption	80-82
The Chinwad Bridge, and Mithra, the Judge	83
Ceremonies on the 4th, 10th, 30th, and Anniversary days	85
II.- PURIFICATION CEREMONIES. CHAPTER IV.
The Pâdyâb and the Nâhn	86
Reason, why importance is attached to Purificatory Ceremonies	88
A sort of Padyab, common among many nations	90
Two objects of Purification, Physical and Symbolic	91
Four kinds of purification ceremonies	91
1 Padyab, the first kind. Its four occasion	92
2 Nahn, the second kind. The four parts of its Process (a) The padyab-kusti; (b) the symbolic eating of a pomegranate leaf and the drinking of Nirangdin; (c) The Patet or the Prayer of repentance; (a) The final bath	95-99
The four occasions of Nahn (a) Naojote [navjote]; (b) Marriage; (c) Accouchément; (d) The Farvardegan Holidays	100-101
[xv] CHAPTER V. THE BARESHNUM AND THE RÎMAN.
3.- Bareshnum, the third kind of purification, treated under four heads.
1 Its meaning and object	102
How it differs from other kinds of Purification	102
Original and modern objects. Darmesteter's view	104-5
2 Description, as given in the Vendidad	107
A Karsha or Kasha. The Pâvi. The Naogar	113-17
3 The Bareshnum gah or the place of Bareshnum	118
To lay out the place, (a) Digging magas or pits (b) Drawing Kashas or furrows; (c) Covering it with sand or earth	118-22
A modem Bareshnum gah; (a) Its Locality; (b) Its area; (c) The form of its maga or pits; (d) The distance between the magas. Sets of stones there	122-25
Plan of the Bareshnum gâh	125
4 The Process of giving the Bareshnum	126
(A) Preliminary Preparations of (a) the Requisites, (b) the Purifier, (c) the Place, and (d) the Candidate	126-30
(B) The Process proper	130-36
The Dog in the Ceremony	135-38
Application of (a) the Nirang or consecrated cow's urine, (b) of sand, (c) of consecrated water, (d) The final Bath	138-141
Table, showing the number of applications	142
Consecration of the clothes	143
6 Retreat of 9 days after the Bareshnum	144
(a) The navshu Baths during the Retreat; (b) the Khub, (c) The season for the ceremony	145-48
Causes that vitiate the Bareshnum. {a) Eating of food cooked by non-Zoroastrians, (b) non-observance of the Baj, (c) Long Travels and Voyages. Tacitus on the subject. Reason for the Prohibition. (d) Taking of oaths. (e) Falling off of the Turban, the turban and the padân being the insignias of Priesthood	48-53
IV Riman, the fourth kind of Purification. Its Process. A Plan of its Place	153-67
Old Iranian Purification and Modern Plague Operations. (a) Disinfection of polluted houses, (b) The Contacts (the Hamrît and the Patrît), (c) The Evicts (the Patrits), (d) Baths and Fumigations, (e) Conversation with the Infected, (f) Destruction of suspected things, (g) Prohibition of Burial	157-161
Iranian, Hebrew, and Roman Purifications	161-66
CHAPTER VI. PURIFICATORY PROCESSES AND CUSTOMS IN DAILY LIFE.
Purification of (a) a House, (b) and of Things defiled or infected	167-68
Some Purificatory Processes in Daily Life. Uncleanliness of (a) Saliva, (b) Nail and Hair, (c) Issues	168-70
Menses and Uncleanliness, (a) The Dastânistân or the Place of Isolation. (b) The Period of Isolation. (c) Purification from the monthly course	170-173
The Pahlavi books on Menses	173
The Present Practice	174
Injunctions of the Leviticus. Pliny on Menses	175-77
III. INITIATION CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS. CHAPTER VII. The Naojote [navjote] or initiation of the child into the Fold.
Two kinds of Initiation: 1 Naojote [navjote], the initiation of a Child into the Fold. (2) Nâvar and Martab, the Initiation into Priesthood	178
1 The Naojote [navjote] (a) Meaning of the Word. (b) Age for the Initiation	178-80
Sudreh, the sacred shirt. Its Structure and symbolism	181
Kusti or the Sacred Thread. Its Structure and symbolism. Its knots	183
The Account in the Pahlavi Dâdistâ-i-Dini	188
The Ceremony. Sacred Bath, Ceremonial Requisites	190-92
The Initiation Proper. (a) The Recital of the Confession Faith, (b) Nirang-i-kusti (c) The Articles of Faith, (d) the final Benediction	192
[xvii] CHAPTER VIII. II. THE NAVAR AND THE MARTAB. THE INITIATION INTO ZOROASTRIAN PRIESTHOOD.
Priesthood hereditary	197
1 The Nâvar, the first Initiation.
The different stages of Initiation; (a) The Bareshnum, (b) The Gewrâ, (c) The Initiation proper	200-4
Gurz, the symbolic mace	204
2 The Martab.
IV. THE CONSECRATION CEREMONIES. CHAPTER IX. I. Consecration of the sacred Fire and Fire-temples.
(A) Consecraton of the Atash Behram, the sacred fire of the first grade	210-11
The Requisite 16 fires of different kinds: (a) the Collection, (b) Purification, (c) Consecration and (d) Unition of the Fires	212-220
The Consecration of the united fires. Consecration of the Chamber of fire, (g) The final Enthronement	220-26
The Spiritual rule of the sacred fire	226
A National toast connected with the sacred fire	227
Signification of the purifying and consecrating processes	228
The sacred ash	230
The Bui ceremony for feeding the fire, (a) Variation for the different grades of the sacred Fire, (b) The five times for the ceremony	230-33
The Bui Oeremony in an Atash Behram	234
(B) Consecration of the sacred fire of the Atash Adaran. (a) The Collection, (b) Purification, (c) Consecration of four fires. (d) The final Consecration of the united fire. (e) Its Enthronement	239-242
(C) Consecration of the sacred Fire of the Atash Dadgah
CHAPTER X. II. CONSECRATION OF THE TOWER OF SILENCE.
The three stages. 1. Digging the ground (Kodâli mârvi). 2. Laying the foundation. The Tânâ. Its signification. 3. The Consecration of the Tower	245-52
[xviii] CHAPTER XL. III. CONSECRATION OF THE ALAT OR RELIGIOUS REQUISITES.
Rapp on the Nirang used in Consecration	254
An account of the Nirangdin Ceremony	255
The consecration of the Varaçyo or the sacred Bull and his hair	256-5
V. THE LITURGICAL CEREMONIES. CHAPTER XII. I. The inner liturgical ceremonies. I. The Yasna.
The Inner and the Outer liturgical ceremonies	260
The Inner. I The Yasna, II the Visperad, III the Vendidad, and IV the Baj	261
The Dar-i-Meher, the place of the Liturgical ceremonies	261
The Yazashna-gah, or the Urvisgah, or the Hindholâ	263
The 15 characteristics of an officating priest	265
The two parts of the Yasna. I The Paragnâ and II the Yasna proper
1 The Paragnâ consisting of the ceremonies of (a) Barsam, (b) Aniyâonghan, (c) Urvarâm, (d) Jivâm, (e) Zaothra, and (f) Haoma	266
The Liturgical apparatus. The Ritual of making it pâv or pure	266
(a) The different khwâns or stone slabs	270
(b) The Hâvanim and the Lâla. The Tashta, the Mârûi	275-77
(c) The Barsam. Its use in the recital of Grace before meals. Its Preparation, Gathering, and Tying	277-86
The Varaç ni viti, i.e., the hair-ring	286
(e) The Astra or kâplo, i.e., the knife	288
(f) The Kundi and other water-vessels	288
(g) The Aiwâyâonghana, made from the leaf of the Date-tree, a symbol among the ancient Iranians. Its preparation and signification	289-93
(h) The Urvarâm. Its Signification and Preparation	293
(i) The Jivâm	295
(j) The Darun or Sacred Bread. Its ceremonial eating (Châshni)	296
[xix]
(k) The Goshudô	299
The Yasna of the Parsis and the Jyotishtoma of the Brahmans	299
(l) The Haoma. Its Botanical name. Its purification	299-305
The Antiquity of the Ceremony	305
Description of its ceremony under 4 bends (1) Preliminary preparation, (2) Purifying and consecrating the twigs, (3) Preparing and straining the Juice, (4) Drinking the Juice	306-14
Dr. Haug on a kindred ceremony among the Hindus	315
(m) Zaothra Water. Its Purification and Consecration. The object and symbolism of the ceremony	316-18
The Ritual of mixing the Zaothra or Zor (Zor melavvi)	318
(n) Fire and its Requisites. The metallic Cencer, the laddle, tongs, and the fragrant fuel	318
II. The Yasna Proper.
Preparation and Consummation of the Haoma Juice	321
Description of the 72 chapters with the ritual	322-328
A View of the Antiquity of the Ritual, based on its Liturgical Apparatus	329
CHAPTER XIII. II. THE VISPARAD CEREMONY. Visparad, A prayer for the Ratus.
The texts treating of the ratus. The Asha and the Ratu	330-32
The eight priests referred to in the Visparad	335
Their positions in the Yazashna gâh as determined in the Nirangastan	337
The best Typical prayers referred to by the Visparad. The Staota Yasna, the Ahunwar with the number of its recital on different occasions, the Ashem, the Yenghe Hatam	340-49
CHAPTER XIV. III. THE VENDIDAD CEREMONY.
The order of the recital of its chapters with those of the Yasna and Visparad	350
CHAPTER XV. IV. THE BAJ CEREMONY.
The various Significations of the word Bâj	354-558
The Requisites for the Bâj recited with religious ritual	359
Different kinds of Bajs described	360
[xx]
Baj of (a) Panch tâi, (b) Sraosha, (c) Fareshtâs, (d) Pantha Yazata (e) Nairyosangh (f} Agrêras, (g) Vanant with the ritual of Vanot kâpvi, (h) Jashan days, (i) Ardâfravash, &c.	361-371
The Lesser Bâj recited on smaller occasions	371
Silence observed during meals after the recital of the Bâj (Prayer of Grace)	373
Bâj recited on occasions of natural functions	374
Bâj for the consecration of certain religious requisitee	375
Technical phraseology and Object	375
CHAPTER XVI. II. THE OUTER LITURGICAL SERVICES. I. The Afrinagan.
The Afrinagan of the Parsees and the Âpri of the Brabmins	377
The Participants. The Zoti and the Râthwi	377
The three parts of an Afrinagan. The Dibacheh, the Afrinagan proper, and the Afrin	378
1 The Dibacheh. The Khshhnuman. The Yâd, Farmayâyashna	378-84
2 The Afrinagan proper. Its variable and unvariable parts	384
3 The Afrin. The eight Afrins, 1 Gahambar, 2 Rapithwin, 3 Ardafarosh, 4 Buzorg, 5 Myazd, 6 Spitaman Zarthosht, 7 Hamkârâ or Dahmân, 8 Gâhambar Pâvi	387-90
The Ritual of the Afrinagan. The Myazda. Its requisites, Fruit, Flower (Language of Flowers), Wine. &c.	390-98
The Arrangement of Flowers. The Expression of Approval	398
The Orientation or Pointing of the 4 Directions and corners	401
The Hamazor. Its occasions. The Kiss of peace	401
The Asho-dâd	406
CHAPTER XVII. THE FAROKHSHI.
The Fravashis or Farohars. Their Relation to the Higher Intelligences. Their work and classes	408-411
The Fravashis, the Transcendental Essences	412
The Fravashis and (a) the Ideas of Plato, (b) the Patterns of the Bible	414
The Fravashis of men, living (born and unborn) and dead	415-16
The Spiritual Constitution of man	417
The Fravashi of the living and the Genius of the Romans, the Demons of the Greeks	418-19
The Fravashi of the Dead. The Destiny of the soul	419
Relations between the Living and the Dead	423
[xxi] CHAPTER XVIII. THE SATÛM.
Satûm, a general hymn of Praise for the dead	427
Satûm, recited over the meals	428
The morsel of the dog	429
CHAPTER XIX. GROUPS OF LITURGICAL CEREMONIES.
1 The Hamâ-yasht	431
2 Geti-kharid	431-33
3 Sarosh. The Yazata. Jorani Kriya. Expenses	434-38
The Uthamnâ, the Sosh, the Lâkh, the Ashodâd, Gâe bhanâvvi. Dhup sârvi. Chehâram	438-44
4 The Zindeh-ravan	446
5. The Nirangdin	466
6 The Gahambars. Their importance, (a) Agricultural or Seasonal and (b) Cosmogonical	446
The six Gahambars as Season festivals	446-48
The Gahambars, as connected with Cosmogony	448
The two principal functions of the Gahambars, (a) the liturgical service, (b) the feast	449
(a) The service; the Afrinagan, Baj, Visparad, Pâvi	449
The Pâvi. The ritual and its name	450-451
(b) The solemn Feast. How to celebrate a Gahambar	451
The sacred feasts of the Iranians and of the Jews	453
The Washing of hands in the feast	453
The present practice. The public gatherings	454
7 Jashan. Its three kinds. Those connected with (a) the season festivals. (b) the dead, and (c) past Historical events	457
The Jashan days during the 12 months of a Parsee year	455
8 Fravardegan or muktad	464
The Nâm-grahan recited on the occasion	470
Its Importance and the principal observance	471
Albiruni and Anquetil Du Perron on the Farvardegan holidays	473
The Hurak, Mâchi, and Tâkche and Behrun	473
Flowers and the Memory of the dead	476
Ideas symbolized by the ceremony. The prayer	478-79
9 Farestâ. The Yazatas. Their two classes. Those referring to (a) the physical and (b) Spiritual World
The Amesha. Spentas. The Hamkars	482

[1]	NOTES:
I. SOCIO-RELIGIOUS CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS. CHAPTER I. Birth Ceremonies and Customs. The ceremonies and customs, that fall under the head of "Socio-Religious Ceremonies and Customs," may be subdivided, according to the three principal events of man's life, — birth, marriage, and death — under the following heads:- I.- Birth Ceremonies and Customs. II.- Marriage Ceremonies and Customs. III.- Funeral Ceremonies and Customs. I.— Birth Ceremonies and Customs.
The birth of a child is a very auspicious event in a Parsee house. It was so also in ancient Persia. According to the Vendidad,¹ Ahura Mazda says:- "I prefer a person with children (puthrânê) to one without children (aputhrâi)." Even the very ground, where lives a man with his children, is described as feeling happy.² Cultivation and a good supply of food to people are recommended, because they make mankind healthy and able to produce a healthy progeny.³ To be the father of good children was a blessing from the Yazatas, like Tishtrya,⁴ Mithra,⁵ Haoma,⁶ and Atar,⁷ and from the Fravashis.⁸ To be childless, was a curse from the Yazatas.⁹ Domestic [2] animals, when ill-fed and ill-treated, cursed their masters, that they may be childless.¹⁰ Childlessness was something like a punishment from heaven.¹¹ Kingly splendour (khwarrah)¹² was associated with those who were blessed with children.¹³ According to the Shayest Na-Shayest, one of the advantages of having children was "that the duty and good works which a son performs are as much the father's as though they had been done by his own hand."¹⁴	1. IV, 47. 2. Vendidad, III, 2. 3. Vendidad, III, 33. 4. Yasht, VIII, Tir, 15. 5. Yasht X, Meher, 65. 6. Yasna XI, Hom Yasht, 4, 7, 10, 13, 22. 7. Yasna LXII, Atash Niyayesh, 10; Vendidad XVIII, 27. 8. Yasht X, Meher, 3; Yasht XIII, 134. 9. Hom Yasht, Yasna Ha, XI, 3. Cf. The blessings and the curse of Cambyses (Herodotus III, 65). Cf. also those of Darius (Behistun Inscriptions, IV, 10, 11). 10. Yasna, XI, 1-2. 11. Yasna, XI, 3; Yasht X, Meher, 38, 108, 110. 12. Av. Kavaêm Kharêno. 13. Yasht XIX, Zamyad,75. 14. Chap. X, 22; XII, 15. S.B.E. Vol. V, pp. 325, 345.
A Zoroastrian woman often prayed for a good, healthy child.¹⁵ A Zoroastrian man and woman prayed before their sacred fire for a good, virtuous child.¹⁶ A woman without a child felt as sorry as a fertile piece of land that ia not cultivated.¹⁷ She prayed for a husband who could make her a mother of children.¹⁸	15. Yasna. IX, 22. 16. Atash Niyayesh, Yasna LXII, 5. 17. Vend. III,24. 18. Yasht V (Aban), 87.
Among the Achaemenians, a wife who gave birth to many children was a favourite with her husband, who did not like to displease her in any way.¹⁹ Children being the choicest gift of God, their lives were, as it were, pledged by parents for the solemn performance of an act.²⁰ We read in Herodotus:²¹ "Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded as the greatest proof of manly excellence to be the father of many sons. Every year, the king sends rich gifts to the man, who can show the largest number: for they hold that number is strength." Strabo also says a similar thing.²² We learn from the writings of the Christian Martyrs of Persia, that the ancient Persians, did not, for the above reasons, like the prohibition against marriage among the Christians in the case of holy young Christian girls.	19. Herodotus, IX, 111. 20. Herodotus, IX, 10. 21. Ibid I, 136. Rawlinson's Translation, Vol. I, p. 277. 22. Bk. XV, 11.
[3] In the Avesta itself, we find no references to any ceremony or rite during the state of pregnancy. The only allusion we find is this:- Women on finding themselves enceinte prayed before Ardwisura for an easy delivery,²³ and then for a copious supply of milk at their breast for their children.²⁴ The allusion to these prayers suggests, that there may be some formal ceremonies accompanying those prayers, but we do not know what they were.	23. Yasht, V (Aban), 87. 24. Ardwisur Niyayesh, 3.
Coming to later Pahlavi and Persian books, we find, that the Shayaaast ne-Shayest directs, that, when it is known that a lady of the family has become pregnant, a fire may be maintained most carefully in the house.²⁵ The Saddar also gives this direction.²⁶ We have the remnant of this injunction in the present custom of some of the modern Parsees, who on the occasion of the completion of the fifth and seventh months of pregnancy, light a lamp of clarified butter in their houses. The reason, assigned for this in the Pahlavi and Persian books, is that the fire, so kindled in the house, keeps out daevas, i.e., evil influences from the house. Again, a fire or a lamp is even now taken to be symbolical of the continuation of a line of offspring. For example, it is not rare to hear, even now, words like these "Tamâro cherâg roshan rahê" i.e., "May your lamp be always burning." This benediction is meant to say: "May your son live long, and may your line of descent continue." The ancient Iranians believed that there were many chances of the children to be born being males, if the males were stronger than the females at the time of conception. (Bundehesh, Chap. XVI).²⁷	25. Chap. X, 4; XII, 11. S.B.E. Vol. V, pp. 316, 343. 26. Chap. XVI, 1. S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277. 27. Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part II, p. 207.
According to the Avesta, in the state of pregnancy, a woman is to be looked after very carefully. It is wrong for the husband to have sexual intercourse with her in her advanced state of [4] pregnancy, which, according to the Rivayats, commences with the fifth month.²⁸ She is to abstain from coming into contact with any dead or decomposing matter, even with a thing like one's tooth-pick which may contain germs of one's disease.²⁹	28. Four months ten days. Vide Anquetil Du Perron, Zend Avesta, Vol. II, p. 563. (Paris, N. M. Tilliard, 1771.) 29. Shayast ne Shayast, Chap. X, 20; XII, 13, (S.B.E., Vol. V, pp. 323, 344); Saddar, XVII, 2 (S.B.E., Vol. XXIV, p. 278).
During pregnancy, the modern Parsees have no religious ceremonies or rites. On the completion of the fifth month of pregnancy one day is celebrated and known as "Panch mâsiûn," i.e., the day ot the fifth month. Similarly, a day is observed on the completion of the seventh month, and is known as Agharni. These days are observed as auspicious days of rejoicing only in the case of the first pregnancy. They are observed not in accordance with any religious injunction or with religious ceremonies or rites. The expectancy of a child being a joyful event as said above, these days — especially some day after the completion of the seventh month — are observed as joyous occasions, when the lady who is enceinte is presented with suits of clothes by her parents, relatives, and friends and especially by the family of her husband. The husband, is in turn, presented with a suit of clothes by the wife's family. Sweets are sent out as presents by the husband's family to the bride's house and to near relations and friends. In these sweets, one prepared in the form of a cocoanut,³⁰ has a prominent place. A cocoanut typifies a man's head³¹ and so it is a symbol of fecundity. Some [5] of the customs observed on these occasions are more Indian in their origin and signification than originally Persian or Zoroastrian.	30. Among the Rajputs of India, the acceptance of a cocoanut is a symbol of the acceptance of a proposal for marriage (vide Tod's Annals of Râjasthân, edited by C. H. Payne, p. 25). [i.e. James Tod, Annals and antiquities of Rajast'han, or the central and western Rajpoot states of India (London, Smith, Elder and co. [etc.] 1829-32.) 31. The following story connects the cocoanut with a man's head. An astrologer once said to a king that, whatever was sown or planted on such and such a coming auspicious day, would grow well. The king said: "Suppose somebody sows a man's head on a stony ground, will that also grow up into a luxuriant tree?" "Yes,' said the astrologer. The king, thereupon, cut off the head of the astrologer and sowed it in a stony ground. The cocoanut palm grew out of it. (Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society. January 1891.)
In the case of the first delivery, it generally takes place in the house of the wife's parents. A room or a part of a room, generally on the down-floor, is prepare an set apart for the purpose. As the Vendidad³² says, the place for delivery must be very clean, dry and least-frequented by others. It appears, that in former times, such places were specially provided in Parsee houses on the down-floors. Parsee houses in those times had generally spacious down-floors that were used for all purposes. The upper floors were low, and were rather like lofts. So, the down-floors provided proper places for delivery, as enjoined in the Vendidad. But, as, with changed circumstances, Parsee houses of today are not what they were before, and as, at present, in storied houses in big towns, the down-floors are generally the worst part of the houses, places of delivery at the down-floor are now-a-days properly condemned as unhealthy. In the case of a house or a place where no delivery has taken place before, religious-minded persons generally take care that a religious ceremony may be performed there before the delivery. In other words, they get the place consecrated. A priest or two say and perform the Afringan prayer and ceremony over the place. At times, even the Baj prayer is recited. It seems that one of the lost nasks (books), the Husparam, had special chapters on the subject of parturition.³³	32. Chap. V, 46. 33. Denkard, Bk. VIII, Ch. XXXI and XXXV. 9, S.B.E., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 100 and 109. Dastur Darab Peshotan's Denkard, Vol. XVI, pp. 20 and 28. The second of the above two chapters, refers to various subject, of obstetrics.
On the birth of a child, a lamp is lighted and kept burning, for at least three days, in the room where the lady is confined. The Saddar says: "When the child becomes separate from [6] the mother it is necessary to burn a lamp for three nights and days — if they burn a fire it would be better — so that the demons and fiends may not be able to do any damage and harm; because when a child is born, it is exceedingly delicate for those three days."³⁴ Some people keep the lamp burning for ten days and some for forty days, the latter number being generally observed as the period of confinement.	34. Chap. XVI, 2; S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277; vide also the Persian Farziât-nameh of Dastur Dârâb Pâhlan; vide the Gujarat Farziât-nameh (1843), p. 5.
On delivery, the mother is enjoined to remain apart from others. She is not to come into contact with fire, water, and other furniture of the house.³⁵ In the case of those that give birth to still-born children, it is enjoined in the Vendidad,³⁶ that they must thus remain apart for 12 days. This period has been latterly extended, as described m the later Pahlavi and Persian books, to forty days in all cases of delivery. Now-a-days, a Parsee lady has generally forty days of confinement after delivery. The Saddar says: "During forty days it is not proper that they should leave the child alone; and it is also not proper that the mother of the infant should put her foot over a threshold in the dwelling (i.e., leave the house) or cast her eyes upon a hill, or it is bad for her menstruation."³⁷	36. Vendidad, V. 45-49. 37. Vendidad, V. 55-56. 38. Chap. XVI. 4, S.B.E., Vol. XXIV, p. 277.
Some families, following the Hindu custom, observe the fifth day after birth, known as pachory (i.e., the fifth day), and the tenth day, known as dasori (i.e., the tenth day), as gala days, but these days have no religious signification.
During the above forty days, the lady is in a state of isolation. She is not to come into contact with anybody and with any part of the ordinary furniture of the house, especially wooden furniture and linen articles. Her food is to be served to her on [7] her plate by others. Those who have to come into contact with her have to bathe before they mix with others. Even the medical attendants had to do so, but, now-a-days, this sanitary rule is more honoured in the breach than in its observance. The original injunction may, among some other reasons, have been intended to observe "purity" in order to prevent the spread of the diseases to which women in this state are subject.³⁹	39. Vide the chapter on "Maternity and its Perils" in Mr. Havelock Ellis's The Nationalization of Health (1892), pp. 123-143. It says that in England and Wales, where 4,500 women die every year in child-births "about 70 percent of this mortality is due to puerperal fever" and that "almost the whole of this mortality might be avoided." It is the careless medical practitioners and midwives, that are responsible for this mortality, because they do not take sanitary care, and therefore carry germs from one woman in confinement to another. The midwifery writers of old said to their disciples: "Thine is a high and holy calling; see that thou exercise it with purity." In the enjoined isolation of the Parsee women during their confinement, the original intention seems to be that of observing purity. Some of the later Pazand and Persian writers have not properly understood the original good object of the early writers, and so, have carried the rigour of isolation too far. But anyhow, the origins injunction of isolation is intended for the purity referred to by old mid-wifery writers. Vide Dastur Jamaspji's Sad-dar (...), pp. 142-46, for some further medical opinion.
At the end of forty days, which is the period of confinement, the lady has to purify herself by a bath before ordinarily mixing with others. At first she takes an ordinary bath and then goes through what is called 'nân,' a contraction of the Sanskrit word "snân " which is a sacred bath.⁴⁰ A priest, generally the family priest, administers that bath with consecrated water.	40. Vide below, Chap. IV, Purificatory Ceremonies.
All the bedding and clothes of the woman, used during the forty days of her confinement after delivery, are rejected from ordinary use. They are enjoined to be destroyed, lest they carry germs of disease among others. But, now-a-days, that injunction is not strictly followed. They are given away to sweepers.
[8] Formerly, a mother in child-birth first drank a few drops of the sacred Haoma-juice, which was squeezed and consecrated in a fire-temple. The Persian Farziât-nameh of Dastur Darab Pâhlan says, that a new-born child should be made to drink a few drops of this juice. If the consecrated Haoma-juice (para-Haoma) may not be had, one may pound at home a few Haoma twigs and a few leaves of the pomegranate tree (urvarâm) in water with the recital of an Ahunwar and give the juice for the first drink. In the Hom Yasht,⁴¹ Haoma is said to give fine healthy children to women. Haoma was emblematical of immortality. Anquetil Du Perron⁴² refers to this religious custom as prevalent in his time. But now-a-days this custom is rarely observed, and in place of the Haoma-juice, a sweet drink made of molasses or sugar is given to the child as a first auspicious drink. The Farziât-nâmeh asks the mother to feed the child with her own milk for 18 months if the child be male, and for 15 if it be a female.	41. Yasna IX, p. 22. Vide my paper on "Haoma in the Avesta" for the health-giving properties attributed to the plant. Vide my Asiatic Papers, Part I, pp. 225-43. Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. VII, pp. 203-21. 42. Zend Avesta, II, p. 564.
Herodotus⁴³ refers to the custom of naming the child among the ancient Persians. We infer from what he says, that the parents waited for some time after birth, and then, watching the physical and mental characteristics of the child, gave them such names as indicated their characteristics. In the case of modern Parsees, many name the child after an immediate deceased ancestor. A Parsee name is made up of three names. The first is his own personal name. The second is his father's name and the third is his surname or family name. Now, it is the first of these three, that is the proper name of the child; and in the case of that name, many prefer to call a child by an immediate ancestor's name. Suppose [9] a person named Jivanji had his father named Jamshedji, and his mother named Âwânbâi. Then, on the birth of a child, if it is a male child and if his own father (Jamshedji} was dead, he would prefer to name it Jamshedji. If it were a female child, he would like to name it Âwânbâi after his deceased mother. Some resort to a so-called astrologer and name the child as advised by him.	43. Bk. I, 139.
This process of naming the child has one particular religious significance, and it is this: In all religious ceremonies, during life or after death, a person's name is recited as he or she is named at the time of his or her birth: This name is called Janam-nâm or birth-name. In his or her Naojote [navjote], i.e., sacred shirt and thread ceremony, marriage ceremony, or any other ceremony enjoined by him or her during lifetime (Zindeh-ravân), the birth-name is recited together with the father's name. In all the ceremonies after death (Anôsheh-ravân), the name is similarly recited. In the case of a female, her personal name is recited together with that of her father as long as she is not betrothed. But after betrothal, her name is recited together with that of her husband.⁴⁴ As a lady's name is recited with her huband's in all ceremonies after betrothal, the ceremony of betrothal is known as "Nâmzad shudan" in Persian, meaning "to be named," or nâm pâdvun in Gujarati meaning "to give a name."	44. Among the present Zoroastrians of Persia and those of the Kadmi sect in India, who follow them, her name is recited with that of her father.
Herodotus says of the old Achremenian times, that "their names, which are expressive of some bodily or mental excellence, all end with the same letter."⁴⁵ Looking to the names as given in the Avesta, we find that they mostlyend in 'a'. The same or similar names when given by Greek writers end in 's'. This can be easily seen from a list of Iranian names given by Rawlinson⁴⁶ with their corresponding forms in Greek writings.	45. Bk. I. 139. Rawlinson's Herodotus, Vol. I, p. 279. 46. Ibid, Vol. III, pp. 550-63.
[10] We find from stray allusions here and there in the Pahlavi and Persian writings, that, at times, children were named after, or in memory of, some particular events at the time of their birth. For example, names like Rustam and Kobâd are associated with some particular events at the time of their birth. Herodotus⁴⁷ speaks of Persian names as expressive of their physical form. Thus we read in the Khushro Shirin of Nizami that the father of Khusro Parviz named the child Khusru, because he saw him 'kinglike' (Khusravi) in appearance.	47. Bk. I. 139.
Most of the modern Parsee names end in ji (, Avesta 'ji', Persian Zîstan 'to live'). In the recital of prayers in honour of the dead, this suffix 'ji' is generally dropped, especially among the priestly class. It is taken to be a suffix-appellation of only the living. Modern Parsee names can be traced to certain few sources. For the males they are the following:- (1) Some of them are derived from the names of some of their Yazatas or angels. They are Hormusji (from Avesta Ahura Mazda, Hormuzd, the first Yazata), Bahamanji (Avesta Vohumana, Persian Bahman, the 2nd Yazata), Adarji (Adar, the 9th), Khorshedji (Avesta Hvare Khshaeta, the 11th), Meherji (Avesta Mithra, Persian Meher, the 16th), Behramji (Avesta Verethragna, Pahlavi Varahram [Varharam], Persian Behrâm, the 19th), Din (Avesta Daena, the 24th), and Homji (Avesta Haoma the 32nd in the list of the Siroza). (2) Some names are derived from some precious jewels; for example, Dhanji, Hirji, Manockji, Ratanji.⁴⁸ (3) Some names are adopted from those of their Iranian ancestors, as mentioned in the Shah-nameh and in other Iranian writings; for example, Ardeshir, Burjorji, Bezonji, Dârâshâh, Dârâbji (Dorabji), Edalji (Adalji), Erachji, Fardunji (Fredun), Firozji (Pirozeji), Frâmji (Framroz), Godrezji, Gustâdji, Jâlbhai, Jamshedji, Jâmâspji Jehângirji, Kaikusru, Kekbâdji (Kaikobâd), Kerbâdji, Kâvasji, Khodâbux, Minochehrji (Mancherji), Meherwânji (Meherbân), Nâdirshâh, Nowrozji, [11] Nushirwânji, Pâhlanji (Pâhlûm.), Pestonji (Peshotan), Rustamji, Shiâvakshâh, Shâpurji, Shehriârji, Sohrâbji, Tehmulji (Avesta Takhma-Urupa, changed in Pahlavi into Tahamurasp, then contracted by dropping the final asp, into Tahmur, then changed into Tahmul). (4) Some names have been taken bodily or with slight changes from the Hindus. For example, Bapuji, Bhikhâji, Dâdâbhai, Dâjibhâi, Dosâbhai, Fakirji, Ghândibhâi, Jijibhâi, Jivâji, Jivanji, Kuvarji, Lavji, Limji, Motâbhâi, Nânâbhâi, Pochâji, Santok, Suklâji, Ukarji.	48. Vide for their meaning, the similar names of women on the next page.
Coming to the names of the female sex, 'Bâi' the last part of their names corresponds to the last part 'ji' of the males. One can divide them under the following groups:- (1) Names derived from the names of the Zoroastrian Yazatas or angels. These are Bahmanbâi, Adarbâi, Âvânbâi (from Awân the 10th Yazata), Khorshedbâi, Meherbâi, Dinbâi, Hamâbâi (from Homa or Haoma. (2) Names derived from wealth or precious metals or jewels. They are Dhanbâi (wealth), Hirâbai (diamond), Jarbâi (Persian Zar gold), Manockbâi (ruby), Motibâi (pearl), Ratanbâi (jewel), Rupâbâi (silver), Sunâbâi (gold). (3) Names derived from old Persian names: Bânubai (Persian Bânu lady), Freni, Gulbâi (Persian Gul flower), Navazbâi (contracted from Persian Arnavâz, a sister of King Jamshed), Pirozbâi, Pourouchisht, Tehminâ. (4) Names derived from expressions for sweets: Mithibâi (sweet), Shâkarbâi (sugar), Shirinbâi (Persian Shirin sweet, also an Iranian name). (5) Names taken from the Hindus: Âimâê, Âlibâi, Bachubâi, Bhikhibâi, Chândanbâi, Dosibâi, Jâibâi (Jâiji), Kuwarbâi, Nâlibai, Sukhlibâi, Virbâi.
We find from these above lists, that some names are common to males and females. It is only the suffix 'ji' or 'bai' that makes it a male or a female name.
As for the names derived from the Zoroastrian Yazatas or angels, children are at times named after some particular Yazatas, if they are born on the days of the month bearing the name of those Yazatas. For example, a male or female child born on the day Mihr, the 16th day of a Parsee month, may be named Meherji or Meherbai respectively.
[12] The birthday of a Parsee child — and especially the first birthday — is an important day. No religious rites are enjoined as necessary. But the parents generally like to celebrate the day in what one may call, a religious way. After a bath and a new suit of clothes, the child is generally sent with some sandalwood to an adjoining Fire-temple. There, the ash of the sacred fire is attached to its forehead. Some of those, who can afford, get a religious ceremony, known as Fareshtâ,⁴⁹ performed. That is generally done on the first birthday. This ceremony consists of the recital of prayers in honour of the 33 different Yazatas or angels, and indicates, that God's blessings are invoked upon the child, and that it is wished that it may be blessed with all the physical characteristics and mental virtues over which God has directed these Yazatas to preside. According to Herodotus,⁵⁰ "of all the days in the year, the one which the ancient Persians observed most was their birthday."	49. Pers. i.e., ange1. 50. Bk. I. 133. Vide Ibid., Bk. IX. 110-14, for the king's birthday feast 'Tykta.' The king soaped his head and gave gifts on this day. He refused no demands of gifts on that day. For the meaning of the word 'tykta', see my Asiatic Papers Part II, p. 242 (Bombay, British India Press, 1905).
From a strictly religious point of view, there is nothing special to be remarked in the case of the childhood of a Parsee child. It is held to be innocent and not liable or subject to the performance of any religious duties or rites. If God forbid, the child dies before the Naojote [navjote] or the investiture of the sacred shirt and thread, its funeral ceremonies are on a lower scale. In the recital of the funeral prayers, the child is spoken of as 'Khûrd,' i.e., small or young. This appellation signifies that the deceased person was too young and that it had no responsibility for duties or rites as a Zoroastrian.
At or about the age of six, the child has to learn by heart a few religious prayers — especially those falling under the head of, [13] and attached to, the Nirang-i-Kusti,⁵¹ i.e., the recital for putting on the sacred thread. These must be learnt by heart for the coming occasion of its Naojote [navjote], when it is to be invested with sacred shirt [sudre] and thread [kusti]. After this investiture, the child's name ceases to be recited as Khûrd in the prayers accompanying religious ceremonies but is recited as Behedin or Oshta as the case may be, i.e., as it belongs to the layman or the priestly class.	51. Spiegel, translated by Bleeck, Vol. III., p. 4, Le Zend Avesta, par Darmesteter, Vol. II., p. 685.
According to the Farziât-nâmeh, when the child first begins to speak, the first word to be taught to it is the name of God and the next that of Zoroaster. At the age of seven, it may be entrusted to a Mobad or priest for religious instruction. At first, the Srosh Baj prayer, then the Niyayeshes, and then the Yashts may be taught to it.
The Pahlavi Aerpatastan⁵² has a chapter on the subject of the childhood of a Zoroastrian child of old and of the responsibilities of its Mobed preceptors. The latter were to take no children under their charge without the permission of their parents or guardians.⁵³ There seemed to be a custom whereby some children lived with their preceptors, whose fee for the whole period of tuition is mentioned in one place as 500 drachms, or about 600 rupees. The preceptors had, as it were, a kind of lien on the children if the stipulated fee was not paid. If, at the end of the stipulated time, they found that the guardians were not the proper persons to whom the children could be safely restored, they withheld the restoration.⁵⁴ The Pahlavi Andarz-i kutakân speaks of a few duties of children from a religious point of view (Dr. Freiman's Text and Translation, Dr. Hoshang Memorial Volume, pp. 482-89).	52. Aerpatastan and Nirangastan, by Mr. Sorab Jamshedji Bulsara, M.A. Aerpatastan Bk. I., Chap. IV. 53. Ibid., Chap. IV. I. 54. The following subjects are referred to in the Denkard as the contents of a section of the lost Husparum nask on the subject of childbirth and children: "Begetting a son; conception; tokens of a sex; formation of the limbs; Fravahars' power of making the sexes; childbirth and care of a child; spiritual vision of the child; habits tending to beauty and other good qualities." I (Dastur Darab Peshotan's Dinkard, Vol. XVI, contents, p. V).
[14] CHAPTER II. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.
According to the Parsee books, marriage is an institution that is favoured by the Almighty God. According to the Vendidad (IV. 47), Ahura Mazda says: "O Spitama Zarathushtra! Indeed, I thus recommend hereunto thee, a man with a wife above a Magava (i.e., an unmarried man) who grows up (unmarried), a man with a family above one without any family, a man with children above one who is without children." The very ground where a married man lives is represented as feeling happy. Zarathushtra asks: "O Creator of the physical world! Which is the second place on the earth that feels happy?" Ahura Mazda replies: "That (place is happy), over which a holy man builds a house with fire, cattle, wife, children, and good followers." (Vend. III, I.)¹	1. Compare with this, the following lines, wherein also the poet describes the house of a married couple as feeling happy:- "What a delicious breath marriage sends forth The violet's bed not sweeter! Honest wedlock Is like a banqueting house built in a garden, On which the spring flowers take delight To cast their modest odours."
The reason why marriage is recommended in Parsee books is that there is a greater iikelihood for a married person than for an unmarried one to be able to withstand physical and mental afflictions and to lead a religious and virtuous life (Vend. IV, 48, 49). We read in the Gathas (Yasna, LIII., 5): "I say (these) words to you, marrying brides and bridegrooms! Impress them in your mind. May you two enjoy the life of good mind by following the laws of religion. Let each one of you clothe the other with righteousness. Then assuredly there will be a happy life for you."
[15] Marriage being thus considered a good institution and well-nigh a religious duty, recommended by religious scriptures, a Parsee considers it a meritorious act to help his co-religionist to marry. The Vendidad (IV, 44) says: "If a co-religionist — be he brother or friend — comes to thee with a desire for a wife, get him married to a wife."² To bring about the marriage of a maiden, who has reached her puberty, with a good righteoun man, is considered to be very meritorious and an act of atonement for a sin {Vend. XIV, 15).	2. It is not unusual for Parsees to enjoin by their last testament or by a Trust, that a certain amount of their wealth may be spent in charity in the way of helping poor brides to marry. A similar provision has been made by the first Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, Baronet, in his charitable Institution known as the Sir Jamsetjee Jejeehhoy Parsee Benevolent Institution; and even now, about 60 years after his death, poor brides are helped to be married. The Parsee Punchayet funds also have a similar provision. At present, about Rs. 75 are given to help the marriage of every bride. When parents lose by death a young son of marriageable age, they take consolation in this special kind of charity. This custom can be compared to that of the "funeral doles" of the ancient Christians, wherein pious Christians provided for the marriage of poor unmarried girls. Among the ancient Greeks, the State thought it its duty to provide dowries for the marriage of the poor maidens of the country.
We learn also from Herodotus (Bk. I., 136), that in ancient Persia, the State encouraged married life. He says: "Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded as the greatest proof of manly excellence to be the father of many sons. Every year the king sends such gifts to the man who can show the largest number, for they hold that number is strength."³ Thus, from very ancient times, marriage is considered among the Parsees to be a most important event in one's life.	3. Among the Romans, the State encouraged marriages. A tax known as uxorium was imposed upon the unmarried. Celebacy was an affliction among the ancient Jews (Judges XI., 37; 1 Samuel I., 11; Proverbs XVII.,6).
[16] After the several vicissitudes of fortune that the community has passed through, it is difficult to determine how many and which of the present several marriage customs of the Parsees are originally Zoroastrian or Persian. But this much can be said with well-nigh a certainty, that the strictly solemn or the religious part of the ceremony, wherein the priests take part, is more or less originally Persian. M. Harlez seems to be correct when he says on this point: "Nous ne trouvous pas non plus, dans ce qui nous reste des livres avestiques, de cérémonies particulières pour le marriage; il est probable cependant que l'origine de celles qu'observent encore les Parses modernes remonte aux temps les plus reculés."⁴	4. Harlez, Avesta. (Introduction) p. CLXXI.
In the very commencement of the Ashirvad [asirvad] or the marriage Blessing-prayer, known as the Paêvand-nâmeh, and recited at the wedding ceremony, the officiating head priest says that the ceremony is "according to the rules and customs of the Mazdayasnian religion (avar dâd va âin-i-Din-i-Mazdayasni)." We gather from stray references in Herodotus (Bk. IX. 108) that the Achaemenians observed some ceremonies for marriage. Ferdowsi also refers to the existence of some marriage customs (âin va kîsh. Mecan's Calcutta edition, Vol. I, p. 320). According to the Avesta, a person came to manhood in ancient Iran at the age of fifteen (Yt. VIII., Tir, 13-14; Yt.XIV, Warharan, 17; Yasna IX., 5). The Pahlavi Bundahesh also gives the same age (Chap. III., 19, S.B.E. Vol. V., 16). So, fifteen was the marriageable age for males. For the females also it was 15 (Vendidad XIV, 15). The very fact, that in the Avesta we find brides praying for suitable husbands, shows that there were no early marriages (Yt. 5. Aban 87; Yt. XV, Ram, 40; Yasna IX, 23). The Paywand-nameh, recited at present at the marriage ceremony, also shows that early marriages were never contemplated. The bride and [17] bridegroom are asked to express their consent after "truthful consideration" (Tâ andâzandi paêmân pa râst manashni pasand kardehid). The book of Herodotus also points to a grown-up age for marriage. The marriageable age at present is generally after 21 for the males and after 16 for the females. The Parsee Marriage Act enjoins 21 for the males and 18 for the females. When they are not of that age, the marriage-certificate must be signed by the parents. The nuptial ceremonies of the marriage-day are preceded by several other ceremonies. When the match is arranged, an auspicious day is fixed for the betrothal. The new moon day, or the first day (Hormazd) of the Parsee month, or the twentieth day, over which Behram [Warharan], the angel of Victory, is believed to preside, are generally considered to be auspicious days. Now-a-days, the parties generally fix such auspicious days or the days most convenient to them. But still it is not rare, especially in the Mofussil towns, for the parties to resort to Hindu astrologers to name one or more auspicious days for the betrothal or marriage or such other auspicious events. Matches are generally arranged by the parents with the consent of the children, though, now-a-days, there are many cases of marriages where marrying parties make their own choice. In the latter case, they generally consult the parents. Mutual friends of the two families generally carry messages and bring about the arrangement. The Pahlavi Pand-nâmeh of Aderbad Marespand recommends this process (� 42). The marriages of the three sons of Faridoon and the marriages of Rustam with Tehemina and of Kaus with Soudabeh were, as we learn from Ferdowsi, thus arranged. Upto late, and even now to a certain extent, professional match-makers were not unknown.
On the betrothal day, at first, the ladies of the bridegroom's family go to the house of the bride and make her a money present in silver coins. Then the ladies of the bride's family go to the house of the bridegroom and make him a similar [18] present. These reciprocal presents of silver coins form the only important part of the ceremony.
The ladies return to their houses, after a little refreshment, mostly consisting of fish, sweets, curd, plantains and sugar. The modern Parsee term for this ceremony is Adrâvvûn, but the older⁵ term is Nâm pâdvûn, which is derived from the Persian term 'Nâmzad kardan,' i.e., to name. It is so called from the fact that after the betrothal, the brides took the names of the bridegrooms.⁶ According to the Parsee custom, a girl's name is always connected with her husband's in religious ceremonies after the betrothal, even if, by some chance or accident, marriage does not take place. This shows that betrothal⁷ was considered to be a solemn ceremony for a marriage contract. Nuptial songs are generally sung on this occasion.⁸	5. An unbetrothed girl was said to be "unnamed," (nâ kardeh nãm). Cf. Ferdowsi's statement about the daughters of the king of Yeman, mar ân har sê râ nûz nâ kardeh nâm. (Mecan's Text, Vol. I, p. 51). According to Anquetil du Perron (Tome II, p. 557), the marriage ceremonies of the Parsees in Surat, at the time of his residence there (A.D. 1760), were of two kinds, (I) Nâmzad (betrothal) and Nekâh (marriage). Now-a-days, in Bombay, the priests do not take any active part in the first ceremony, but it appears from Anquetil (II, p. 557) that they did so in former times. The intended bridegroom and the bride, and their families, met together, and the family priest of the bridegroom said that "That was the will of God." He then recited the Tan-Dorosti and the Profession of Faith prayer and gave the hand of one into that or the other. In some of the Mofussil towns like Naosari, the family priest or a friendly priest still takes an active part in the betrothal. On the day of betrothal, he carries a formal message from the family of the bridegroom to that of the bride and asks for the bride to be given in marriage to the bridegroom. The parents express their pleasure to do so, and stamp, as it were, their pleasure to do so, by presenting the priest with n few rupees. Afterwards, a priest from the bride's family goes on a similar errand to the family of the bridegroom. 6. Vide above, p. 9, the section of "Naming the child" in "The Birth Ceremonies. 7. Betrothal is so called, because in it a 'troth' or a promise of truthful adherence to a marriage contract is given; cf. the promise of Mithro virô mazô (Vendidad, IV, 2), which is considered by the Rivayats to be a marriage promise, to break which is considered to be a great sin. 8. For some marriage songs, vide my Marriage Customs of the Parsees. Vide Journal, Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. V of 1899.
[19] The next ceremonial occasion is that of Divô, i.e., a light. It is so called because early in the morning of a day fixed for the occasion, an oil lamp is lit in the house of each party.⁹ The ladies of each of the two families go in turn to the house of the other, and place a silver coin in the lamp there. This occasion is considered more important than that of the betrothal, because, on it, formal presents of clothes and rings are made. When the matches are arranged, the betrothal is hastily determined upon, to give a formal stamp, as it were, to the arrangement, The parties then have no time to prepare mutual presents and gifts; so, this second occasion, the day for which is fixed leisurely, is more important than the betrothal, for the formal presents of gifts, The first wedding rings are generally presented by both the parties on that day.	9. Cf. the custom among the ancient Greeks, according to which the bride's mother carried in her hand the bridal torches kindled at the family hearth, and the bridegroom's mother carried torches and awaited the procession from the bride's house. (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Blümner, pp. 139-140).
The next important occasion is that of Âdarni, It is the occasion, on which, the dowry given by the bride's father, is presented to the bride-groom's family. On several other occasions of holidays between the betrothal day and the marriage day, several presents are sent to each other's family, mostly from the family of the bride to that of the bridegroom. The marriage occasion is one, when the mothers of the bride and the bridegroom, expect presents of clothes from their own parents. If the parents are dead, it is considered to be the duty of the brother or brothers to present a suit or suits of clothes to the sister. A nuptial song is generally sung on such an occasion.
[20] An auspicious day is fixed for the marriage. In some families, even now, it is the astrologer who determines which day is auspicious for the marriage.¹⁰ The new moon day and the full moon day are auspicious.¹¹ Tuesdays are inauspicious.¹¹ The marriage festivities generally last for four days. The first of these is called mândav-saro, when a twig of a tree, generally a mango-tree, is planted near the door, symbolic of a wish for fertility.¹² The second and the third days are known as Varadh-patra days when religious ceremonies in honour of the dead are performed.	10. In some families an astrologer's services are engaged before the marriage also. When matches are being arranged by the intercession or mutual friends, the horoscopes of the intended bride and bridegroom are submitted to him to observe whether there was or not any râç between the two, i.e., whether the stars predicted or not that there would be harmony between the two. If that harmony is declared not to exist, nothing further is done. 11. According to Strabo, the vernal equinox was considered to be the best season for marriages among the ancient Persians, because it was, as it were, the birthday of Nature. Among the ancient Greeks, weddings took place in the winter. "A favourite time was the month Gamelion (the end of January and beginning of February) which hence received its name. Certain days regarded as auspicious were generally chosen, and the waning moon was specially avoided." (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Blümner, p. 136). "The Athenians preferred the time of the new moon, while some of the Greeks considered the period of full moon as the most favourable" (The Knot Tied by W. Tegg, p. 63). Among the ancient Jews, "the fourth day of the week, i.e. Wednesday, was an auspicious day for the marriage of virgins and Thursday for that of widows." (W .Tegg, p. 53). Among the ancient Romans, "certain days were reckoned unfortunate for the marriage as the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, and the days which followed them, particularly the whole month of May. But widows might marry on these days. The most fortunate time was the middle of the month of June" (Ibid, p. 174). 12. Cf. The custom referred to by Mrs. Philgot in her Sacred Trees, pp. 88-91.
[21] Coming to the ceremonies of the day of marriage itself, the bride and the bridegroom take in the morning or in the afternoon, a sacred bath with consecrated water.¹³ This sacred bath is known as nân.¹⁴ The Parsee marriages are generally performed in the evening, just a little after sunset.¹⁵ The bridegroom generally sits in the compound of the house or bungalow in a promiscuous place in the midst of a company of several male friends and relations. The bride and the lady guests are accommodated with seats within the building. Marriage is considered to be an event which must be celebrated, not quietly, but with some eclat. It must be celebrated in the presence of an assembly¹⁶ (anjoman) who can bear witness to the event.	13. We learn from Ferdowsi, that this seems to be an old custom. King Behram Gour took his Indian wife Sepinoud to the Fire temple of Adar Gushnasp for the purpose. Among the ancient Greeks, "among the ceremonies bearing religious character which preceded the wedding, an important part was played by the bath. Both bride and bridegroom took a bath either in the morning of the wedding day, or the day before, for which the water was brought from a river or from some spring regarded as specially sacred, as at Athens the spring Callirhoe. (or Enneacrunoe) at Thebes the Ismenus." (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Prof. Blümner, translated by Alice Zimmern. p. 137). 14. Vide below Chapter IV. The Purificatory Ceremonies. 15. It is just the time when day and night unite together. So, perhaps that hour is chosen to indicate, that just as day and night, light and darkness, unite together and melt into each other, so the marrying couple may unite together in prosperity and adversity, in happiness and grief, in danger and safety. The ancient Romans also performed their marriages at night-fall, because they said it was the time when Venus, the goddess of beauty, which personified beauty in the marrying bride, shone. 16. In ancient Rome and Greece also, a similar view was held about marriage. But the assemblies began to be very large, and consequently extravagance in marriage expenses crept in. Hence, it was found necessary to limit the number of guests invited. Plato allowed 10 guests to each side, i.e., in all 20 guests were allowed at the marriage gatherings. A law of the fourth century fixed that number to be 30. A censor had the right of going into a house where the marriage took place and he removed out of the house any number that exceeded 30.
[22] According to the Denkard, marriages were performed in ancient Iran, with éclat. It says that the drums and fifes which played at marriage gatherings announced the marriage to the people of the town or village. The assembly of males that gathers on marriage occasions is called Shâhjan, (i.e., the assembly for the royal bride). The bridegroom puts on the usual ceremonial dress — Jâmâ-pichhoir — of the Parsees, which is a loose flowing dress, full of folds and curls.¹⁷ This flowing dress is always white in colour.¹⁸ The bridegroom holds a shawl in his hand, a shawl being considered in India a symbol of respect and greatness.¹⁹ He has the mark of a Kunkun²⁰ (red pigment) on his forehead.	17. A loose flowing dress is, in all ages, considered to be necessary for solemn and state occasions. In courts, churches, and universities, the gowns and robes, which were similar flowing dresses, played an important part. The folds of such dresses carried the idea of a kind of mystery, respect, and rank. Women, therefore, generally put on such flowing dresses. 18. White colour is generally the symbol of purity, innocence and faith, fulness. The Roman bride used to wear a white gown on the occasion of her marriage. The ribbon-knots which the guests put on among the Romans on marriage occasions were also white in colour. 19. Fifty years ago the chief leaders of the Parsee community used to carry shawls over their shoulders. The head-priests of the community still carry shawls as the insignia of their office. The presentation of shawls to friends on important ceremonial occasions, as marriages, is still common to a certain extent. 20. Kunkun or the red pigment plays an important part on marriage, and such other gay occasions in India. Various explanations are given about its use. Some say that this red pigment is the symbol or substitute of blood, and that its use is the remnant of the custom of using blood on such occasions. They say that formerly they used to sacrifice animals on gay occasions like marriage, to avert evil from the married life of the couple. The blood of such sacrificed animals was applied to the forehead of the marrying couple. The application of the red pigment is considered to be a remnant and substitute of that custom. I have heard a story of a Divân of a native State, that on the coronation of his Prince, he made a slight cut on his thumb, and with the blood oozing from the wound, made the usual mark (tilacirc;) on the Prince's forehead. That was a prevalent custom among the Rajputs of Oodeypore (vide* Tod's Râjasthân). In old Christian art also, an angel is shown stamping a mark on the forehead of the elect (vide The Life of Christ as represented in Art by Dr. Farrar). The legend explains the subject as the sign of the letter T which was originally a + (cross) and was a symbol of felicity, safety, and salvation.
[23] The red pigment mark on the forehead of a bride is always round and that on the forehead of a bridegroom always long and vertical. The reason is this: the long vertical mark of the male symbolizes a ray of the sun, and the round mark of the female symbolizes the moon. A handsome man is compared by Oriental writers with the sun, but the beauty of a woman is always compared with that of the moon. The sun is always represented in ancient pictures, as a round disc with shooting rays. Again, the sun, through his rays, is a fructifying agent, but the moon is represented as a conceiving agent. She absorbs the rays of the sun. Just as the sun is a fructifying agent, and the moon a conceiving agent, so is man in his relation to woman. Hence it is that the mark On a man's forehead is long and vertical like the rays of the sun, and that on a woman's forehead round like the moon. The bridegroom has a garland²¹ of flowers round his neck as a symbol of sweetness and geniality. The bridegroom is called var-râjâ, i.e., husband-king. For this particular occasion of marriage his position is taken to be elevated.²²	21. Garlands play a prominent part in the marriage customs of many nations. They were common among the ancient Greeks, Romans, and Jews. In old Anglo-Saxon churches, the priest blessed the pair, and put garlands of flowers round their necks. 22. They say, that in ancient times, among several nations, the marrying couple put on crowns. Among the ancient Greeks, the priest put crowns on the heads of bridegrooms. In Athens, the friends of the bride carried a crown for her. In Egypt also, the bride put on a crown. Among the Hebrews the marrying couple were made to walk under a canopy resembling a crown. In Norway, the bride put on a jewel resembling a crown. In ancient churches, they kept a metallic crown, which was lent to the marrying couple for the occasion.
[24] Some of the assembled friends and relations then make their presents to the bridegroom and his father. The presents mostly consist of shawls or rings or money in cash. The bride and her parents receive similar presents from their friends. Up to a few years ago, these presents, especially those in cash, were very common. Small presents of cash up to Rs. 5 were not necessarily paid into the hands of the parties, but were given into the hands of a friend or relation, who acted as a receiver or collector for the occasion. He put down in a book the names of the donors and the amount of their money-gifts. Such money-presents used to payoff a part of the marriage expenses.²³ The memo kept by the receiver proved to be of use to the parties when, on similar occasions of marriages in the family of their friends, they had to make similar presents in return.	23. This custom reminds one of the "marriages of contributions" of ancient Wales and the "penny weddings" of ancient Scotland. In Wales, a herald went round in the town, announcing the marriage, and saying that presents would be received very thankfully and returned on similar occasions. Individual givers of small cash presents did not feel the burden of the small payment, but to the marrying couple and their parents, the total amount of these individual small presents was most welcome, as it enabled them to payoff the wedding expenses, and to put up a new house. In the case of the penny-weddings of Scotland, at times, the people of the whole village paid in their small contributions, and took a part in the wedding festivals. In some cases, the neighbours collected among themselves and presented to the marrying couple, sufficient corn that would last during the whole of the first year of their married life. In old England, they say, the nobleman in possession of the adjoining estates presented meat, and the milk-men milk, cheese, eggs, etc., for the wedding feasts. The schoolmasters and the priests generally lent their cooking utensils. The parties receiving these presents kept a note of such presents, and were generally ready to give similar presents on the occasions of marriages in the families of those who had given them those presents. In Cumberland, they placed a plate in a prominent place at the place of marriage, and the assembled friends put into it their mite. In ancient Europe, on the marriage day, the bride used to sell ale to her friends and to her husband's friends at fancy prices. The money so acquired helped them in putting up a new house. In ancient Egypt, the bride held in her hand a soft substance called henâ and the friends put in silver coins in that substance.
[25] It appears from the Avesta, that in old Iran, it was more customary for the bridegroom to give marriage gifts to the bride than for him to take from her. The duty of the father of the bride, and in his absence or death, that of the brother, was confined to that of presenting an ear-ring (gaoshâvarê) to the bride. The sum of 2,000 silver dinars and two gold dirhems, referred to in the Pahlavi Paêwand-nâmeh, recited at the marriage, seems to be the average standard which an ordinary bridegroom of moderate means was expected to provide for his bride. An hour or two before the celebration of the marriage, the ladies of the bride's family and the bride's friends, form themselves in a procession, and carry for the bridegroom, to his place, presents of clothes and some other valuables. The houses of the bridegroom and the bride have a kind of wedding powder called chauk spread over their thresholds on such merry occasions.²⁴ A nuptial song is again sung on such an occasion. They return to their place after this presentation. The assembly, then, forms itself into a procession, headed by the officiating priests and the bridegroom and followed by the ladies who carry with them what is called varni, i.e., a present from the var, (i.e., the bridegroom) to the bride. The procession is sometimes preceded by a band of music. According to the Pahlavi Denkard, one of the objects of playing music on the occasion of a marriage is to inform the whole town, especially the neighbourhood, that a marriage has been celebrated.²⁵ The procession²⁶ goes to the	24. Vide my paper on "The Wedding Sand in Knutsford (Cheshire, England) and the Wedding Sand () in India" (Journal, Anthropological Society of Bombay; 1912, Vol. IX, pp. 471.80). Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part II, pp. 31-39. 25. Dastur Peshotan's Denkard, Vol. II., p. 96. Vide "Notice Sur lez Yezedis," Journal Asiatique of January-February, 1896, p. 119. 26. Such marriage processions played an important part in many nations. In the Isle of Man, the marriage processions entered the church after going round three times. In ancient Greece, marriage processions were generally accompanied with musical bands and torches. The whole procession went on foot to the house of the bride, but the marrying couple were seated in a carriage. Up to about 70 years ago in Bombay, and about 45 years ago in Naosari, and such other Mofussil towns, it was common to see the husband — generally boy-husbands — riding on horses. In Naosari, some marriage processions were accompanied by men carrying guns which were fired at intervals. It is said that this is the case even now in some parts of Scotland. This seems to be a remnant of the ancient custom of marrying by capture when tribes attacked other tribes, and carried off marriageable girls.
[26] house of the bride, where the marriage generally takes place. A nuptial song is generally sung on this occasion. The procession goes to the place of the bride, and its members are accommodated with seats, the males in the compound and the females within the house. The door of the house of the bride is decorated with a hanging string of flowers, called toran (i.e., arch) and the sideposts which support the doors are marked with Haradh (turmeric) mixture.²⁷ This kind of decoration is observed on the door of the bridegroom's house also. A nuptial song is sung on this occasion.	27. Among the ancient Romans, the door of the house of the bridegroom was similarly decorated with flowers when the bride first went to her husband's house. She herself applied oil to the door-posts, oil being considered a symbol of prosperity. In Indian and other architectures, the toran (archway) played a very prominent part (vide History of Indian Literature by Harrowitz, p. 72). It is a symbol of marriage, suspended at the portal of the bride (Tod's Râjasthân, p. 26). The custom of applying Haradh (turmeric) to the door-posts is common in India. The word Haradh comes from the Sanskrit root har, which means "to be yellow, to shine." Its colour is like that of sunlight. So turmeric and other drugs of its colour are taken to be the symbols of sun's light, and also of the prosperity and plenty brought about by his fertilizing power. Hence, the marks made with turmeric are considered auspicious. Instead of the red pigment (Kunkun), some use turmeric for the auspicious marks on their foreheads. It is for its being a symbol of plenty and prosperity that the new account books, commenced to be used on the Dewali New Year's day by the Hindus, are marked with turmeric marks. According to Dr. Dymock, one of the different Indian words for turmeric is Rajni, i.e., light. They say that in ancient times young wives decorated their foreheads with auspicious marks of turmeric, a little before sunset, when they expected their husbands to return to their homes from outdoor work. This was intended as an auspicious thing, signifying that, as the sun, whose symbol the turmeric was, fructified the creation, so they may be fructified and blessed with children at the hands of their husbands. This custom is said to prevail even now in some of the Indian villages. Even young ladies, when visiting lady friends in the evening, have their bodies marked with turmeric. These visitors are then allowed to return to their husband's houses after sunset, which is considered to be the auspicious occasion for the coming of the goddess Laxmi, which presides over wealth and prosperity. According to the Iliad, Juno, in order to entice Juno, had her bed prepared of turmeric-coloured saffron.
[27] After the assembly is seated, the bridegroom enters the bride's house. He is welcomed at the door by the mother of the bride. He is made to stand at the threshold where several ceremonies are performed to welcome him and to wish him good luck. A fresh Kunkun mark is made upon his forehead, and a little rice is stuck upon the moist Kunkun mark and thrown over his head. Rice is considered to be the symbol of plenty and prosperity. Hence the sprinkling of rice plays a prominent part on many occasions of joy for wishing good luck. The officiating priests also, in performing the religious ceremony, and in invoking the blessings of God upon the couple, sprinkle rice over them.²⁸ Before the recital of the marriage blessings, the bride and the bridegroom also throw upon one another a handful of rice. Some fond mothers make the bride and the bridegroom eat a few grains of rice thus besprinkled over them in the marriage ceremony. An egg is then passed round his head three times, and then thrown upon the ground and broken. This seems to be the	28. In Poland, the father of the bridegroom, after the nuptial benediction, welcomes the married couple into his house by throwing over them grains of barley corn. The grains are picked up again and sown, and, if they grow well, that is considered very auspicious. Among the Hebrews also, grains of barley were thrown in the front of the couple, and that was meant "to denote their wishes for a numerous progeny." In Nottinghamshire and Sussex, the sprinkling of rice on the couple was a prevalent custom. In ancient Spain, not only the parents of the couple, but other passers-by in the streets, also sprinkled corn. According to Dalton's Ethnology (p. 148), among the Buniyas, the bride and the bridegroom threw over each other seven handfuls of rice, and moved seven times round a pole buried in the midst of a hut.
[28] remnant of the old custom of animal sacrifice.²⁹ It signifies that if there be any evil destined for the person it may pass off to the egg and be destroyed with it. A cocoanut is then similarly passed round the head three times and then broken.³⁰ A little water is then poured in a tray, which is passed round the head three times, and then the water is thrown at the feet of the bridegroom. Once in the evening, the ladies of the bride's family present before the bridegroom a water-pot (called var-behendoo, i.e., a pot presented to the husband, (var), as a part of the dowry), and make him dip his hand in it. While doing so, he drops a silver coin into it as a return gift, and as a mark of his appreciation of their gift.³¹ At one time it was customary that the feet of the couple were washed with water just after the performance of the marriage	29. Among the ancient Romans, on similar occasions, "a hog was sacrificed. The gall of the victim was always taken out, and thrown away, to signify the removal of an bitterness from the marriage." 30. In Scotland, they used to break a cake over the head of the bride at the threshold of her husband's house, when after marriage, she entered it for the first time. Among the Hebrews, after the marriage ceremony, they present before the bridegroom a wineglass which he breaks as a sign of good omen. All present then shout out "mazzletown, mazzletown," which means "good luck, good luck." This ceremony among the Hebrews is variously explained. Some say, it is to remind the Hebrews that their people are an scattered in different countries, just as the pieces of the glass lie scattered over the ground. Others say that it is to remind the marrying couple of the transitory state of this life, which may be as easily broken as the glass. 31. Water is considered to be a symbol of prosperity and also of humility. According to Herodotus, the ancient Persians, when they went to conquer foreign countries, asked for dust and water from those countries as tokens of submission. The act of the Athenians and Spartans of throwing the Persian messengers into a pit and into a well respectively, to receive with their own hands therefrom the desired earth and water, was one of the immediate causes of the Persian invasion of Greece, which led to the famous battle of Marathon. In one of the tribes of Bengal, they give earthen pots full of water and rice to the marrying couple, and sprinkle water over them from those pots. A person going out on an important business, considers it a good omen, if he meets one with a pot full of water.
[29] ceremony. When Parsees began to put on English-fashioned boots, it being a little troublesome to remove the boots, the custom was to wash the tip of the boots with a little water.³² After the welcoming ceremonies on the threshold, the bridegroom is made to cross the threshold without placing his foot upon it. The bride also, when she goes to her husband's, is made to cross the threshold.³³ The threshold is crossed with the right foot, which is always considered auspicious.³⁴ When the bridegroom enters the house to be married he is further welcomed with a song. Having entered the house, the bridegroom takes his seat first, and waits for the bride, who comes in after a short time, to take her seat.³⁵ The bridegroom sits	32. In Scotland, in the last century, the unmarried friends of the bride washed her feet on the evening preceding the marriage. The custom is still known in some parts of Scotland as that of "feet-washing." It was known among the ancient Hebrews and is known among the modern Hindus. Among the ancient Romans also they washed the feet of the couple. Among the Persian Zoroastrians, they still wash the feet of the couple, and make them dip their hands in earthen water-pots. 33. According to Plutarch (Life of Romulus), among the ancient Romans, the bride, when she first went to her husband's, was lifted up over the threshold. A similar custom is said to prevail in Lincolnshire. They say, that in old England, when the couple first left the house after marriage, the house servant washed the threshold with hot water "to keep the doorstep warm." This was to indicate a wish that another marriage may soon take place in the family. 34. In some countries of Europe, the bride, while entering the Church to be married, is asked to put her right foot first into the building and then to leave it also with the same foot. In former times, when some royal marriages took place by proxy, the nobleman representing the royal bridegroom placed his right foot on the bed of the royal bride. The right hand side is always considered auspicious. Among the Dhankar tribe of Mahableshwar, to determine whether the time for marriage is auspicious or not, a calf in the hut is let loose to be fed by the cow which is kept outside the hut. If the calf, while going to the cow, passes by the right-hand side of the marrying couple sitting in the compound, the time is auspicious. If it passes by the left-hand side it is inauspicious, and the marriage is postponed for some time. 35. To make the bridegroom wait for the bride for some time, seems to be a custom prevalent among many people, Among the Zoroastrians of Persia, when, at the marriage time, the members of the bridegroom's family go to ask her to be present for the marriage, the bride does not go at once. Her relatives keep her away and say that "She has gone to the garden for picking flowers," or that "She has gone to her brother's." When the match is arranged, a few members of the bridegroom's family go to the bride's house to have her final consent. When they ask her, "Are you willing to marry such and such a person?" she is not expected to reply at once. The question is repeated several times, and then finally she replies in the affirmative in a low voice. In some tribes, when the bridegroom's party goes to the bride's, the latter's house is kept closed for sometime and opened after some knocking. Such customs and evasive answers are intended to signify, that it is the husband who seeks the wife and is anxious to have her, and not the wife.
[30] on the right hand of the bride. The right hand side is a place of honour, and so it is occupied by the husband who is considered to be the leader of the bride.³⁶ The bridegroom and the bride take their seats facing the East.³⁷ There are two stools on one side of each of the chairs. On these are placed two metallic trays full of rice, which is to be thrown by the officiating priests over the couple while reciting their marriage benedictions. On the stool by the side of the chair on which the bride is to take her seat, stands a small metallic pot containing ghee (clarified butter) and molasses.³⁸	36. In Christian marriages also, the bridegroom stands on the right hand of the bride 37. "We modern Christians perpetuate this custom of Orientation in the position given to our churches and in turning to the East when we recite the creeds or general assent to the articles of the Christian Faith." {Mrs. Ainsley's Symbolism of the East and West, p. 33). This custom is a relic of the ancient Sun worship that was generally prevalent. 38. Ghee being a soft, slippery substance made out of milk, is considered to be a symbol of gentility, courtesy and obedience. The ancient Roman bride, for similar reasons, applied oil on the threshold of her house when welcoming the bridegroom into her house. Even now, some fond Parsee mothers, while giving a bath to their children on their birthdays apply milk to their bodies. "Have a bath with milk, and be the parent of many sons," is a common form of benediction among Parsee ladies on marriage occasions. Curd, which is a kind of milk production, also plays a prominent part on joyous occasions like birthdays and marriages. Molasses being a sweet substance is a symbol of sweetness and good temer. So these two substances are produced by the family of the bride as symbols of good omen, wishing gentleness, peace and contentment to the couple. After the ceremony, the pot containing these substances and the remaining rice are presented to the family priest.
[31] A servant stands there holding a censer with burning fire in one hand, and a little frankincense in the other.³⁹ On the two stands there are two burning candles, one, by the side of the bridegroom, and the other, by the side of the bride.⁴⁰ Then two persons are made to stand before them, one by the side of the bridegroom and the other by that of the bride. These are the marriage witnesses.⁴¹ The nearest relations generally stand as witnesses. It is usually married persons, not bachelors, who stand as marriage witnesses.⁴² As to the ceremony itself, we find, both from the ancient writings and the modern customs, that the following are requisite for a proper [32] marriage.:-	39. Fire is held as a sacred and most important symbol among the Parsees. So, it is present in most of the Parsee rituals. It is a symbol of purity and plenty. Among the ancient Greeks, fire and water were held as symbols of purification, and the bridegroom himself held them in his hand while welcoming his bride in his house. According to some, the Roman bridegroom held fire and water before his bride as "necessaries of life," signifying thereby that he would supply her with all necessaries of life. Among the Romans, the marriage ceremony was performed before the altar of their Atrium where their sacred fire was burning. In some parts of Australasia, the brides carry fire to the houses of their bridegrooms. 40. These burning-candles remind us of the "bridal torches" of the ancient Greeks, among whom the mother of the bride carried these torches in marriage processions. They were kindled from their family hearths. 41. It is the custom of many nations to have witnesses to testify to the event of marriage. The ancient Hebrews also had two witnesses. The Christians also have two. Among the Romans, the Pontifex Maximus performed the marriage ceremony before the witnesses. In ancient Persia , the nearest relations stood as witnesses. According to Ferdowsi, in the marriage of Siavash with Firangiz, Afrasiab, the father of Firangiz, stood as a witness for his daughter. 42. In the Greek Church of Russia, it is only married priests that can perform the marriage ceremony.
(1) The marriage should be celebrated before a specially-called assembly (anjoman jasta-isted)⁴³ which need not be very large. As the later tradition says, five persons may for the purpose form an anjoman or assembly. The assembled guests served, as it were, as further witnesses to the marriage. (2) The officiating priest questioned the marrying couple whether they consented to be united in marriage. (3) He united them by joining their hands, a process known as Hâthevârô, i.e., hand-fastening. A symbolic knot also played a prominent part in the ceremony. (4) The process uniting them was followed by a benediction which was accompanied with a sprinkling of rice or such other things. Before being seated by each other's side, the bride and the bridegroom are first seated opposite each other, separated by a piece of cloth held between them as a curtain. Now begins what we may call the religious ceremonies. Two priests present themselves for the performance of these ceremonies. The senior officiating priest gives the right hand of one into the right hand of the other. Then a piece of cloth is passed round the chairs of both so as to enclose them in a circle. The ends of the cloth are tied together. This is, as it were, strictly speaking the tying of the marriage-knot. This is done with the recital of the sacred formula of "Yatha Ahu Vairyo."⁴⁴	43. Pahlavi Paywand-nâmeh. 44. A knot is a symbol of love, friendship and faithfulness. In old England, the bride carried, on her gown, a number of ribbon knots which the guests plucked off from her body and carried them with them as tokens of the event. That the custom of tying marriage knots among the Parsees is very ancient appears from Ferdowsi's Shah Nameh where Zal's marriage with Roudâbeh is said to have been celebrated by tying marriage knots. (Bê bastand bandi ba âîn o kîsh.)
[33] After tying the knot of the ends of the cloth, which, as it were, encloses them into a circle of unity, the priest fastens with raw twist their right hands which are grasped by each other. This rite is called Hathêvârô, i.e., hand-fastening.⁴⁵ The above sacred formula is recited during this rite also. It is the family priests who are entitled to the fee of hand-fastening, even if the ceremony is performed by other priests.⁴⁶ In the ceremony of hand-fastening, the raw twist is put round the hands seven times.⁴⁷ After fastening the hands, the raw twist is passed round the pair seven times, and then, finally, it is passed seven times round the knot of the cloth which passes round their chairs. During all this process, the sacred prayer of Yatha Ahu Vairyo is recited.	45. Up to the eighteenth century, there was a custom in England that the marrying couple went to the river adjoining the town, washed their hands, and each, grasping the other's hand, took the oath of marriage. This was known as hand-fastening. Among the Christians also, it is the priest who joins the handsof the couple. Among the ancient Greeks, the ceremony of hand-fastening was considered as the ratifying agreement of marriage. Among the ancient Romans, the priest made the marrying couple sit on chairs which were put together, and on which wool was spread, and then fastened their hands. The modem Hindus also unite the hands of the couple. In Finland, it is the father of the bride who fastens the hands. Among some tribes, slight cuts are made on the hands before their being fastened, so that the blood of one may flow into that of another. It is the right hand of each that is fastened because the right hand is considered to be the witness of one's faith. Among the Assyrians, it was the father of the bridegroom who fastened the hands of the couple with a woollen thread. 46. This reminds us of the custom among ancient Christians, that the marriages generally took place in the parishes in which the couple lived. But when they were performed in other parishes, it was the priest of the parish in which they lived, that took the marriage fee. 47. The number 7 plays a prominent part in this ritual of hand-fastening. Seven was a sacred number among the ancient Persians. There are seven Ameshaspentas, or archangels, seven heavens, and seven Keshwars, i.e., the zones or regions [or continents]. Cf. the seven archangels of the Hebrews and the seven Spirits of the Christians.
[34] At the end of this ceremony, at a signal given by the senior priest, the servant who holds the fire-vase places frankincense on the fire. At this signal, the curtain of cloth, which is held between the couple, is dropped, and the couple throw on each other a few grains of rice which they hold in their left hands. This throwing of rice is accompanied by a clapping of hands by the friends and relations who have assembled there. The above ceremony of holding the cloth-curtain between the bride and the bridegroom, and then dropping it after the fastening of the hands, signifies that the separation that hitherto existed between them no longer exists now, and that they are now united into the bond of matrimony.⁴⁸ As long as the curtain was held, they sat opposite each other, but on its removal, they are made to sit side by side. This also signifies that they, who were up to now separate, are now united together. The putting on of raw twist round the couple seven times also indicates union. The raw twist itself can be easily broken, but when several threads are twined into one, they cannot easily be broken. So it signifies that the tie of union into which the couple is now bound may not easily be broken. The throwing of the rice by the marrying couple upon each other is watched with great interest by their friends, especially by the ladies, who urge their respective friends, the bridegroom or the bride, to look sharp and throw the rice first when the signal is given. The one that throws rice first over the other is said to win. This is, as it were, a race of love. "Who won, the bridegroom or the bride!"	48. Among the Hebrews, the bride at first put on a veil which was removed immediately after they were unit

PREFACE.

CONTENTS

I.- Ceremonies relating to the Disposal of the body.

II.- Ceremonies relating to the Soul.

CHAPTER V.

THE BARESHNUM AND THE RÎMAN.

3.- Bareshnum, the third kind of purification, treated under four heads.

PURIFICATORY PROCESSES AND CUSTOMS IN DAILY LIFE.

The Naojote [navjote] or initiation of the child into the Fold.

II. THE NAVAR AND THE MARTAB. THE INITIATION INTO ZOROASTRIAN PRIESTHOOD.

I. Consecration of the sacred Fire and Fire-temples.

CHAPTER X.

II. CONSECRATION OF THE TOWER OF SILENCE.

CHAPTER XL.

III. CONSECRATION OF THE ALAT OR RELIGIOUS REQUISITES.

V. THE LITURGICAL CEREMONIES.

CHAPTER XII.

I. The inner liturgical ceremonies.

I. The Yasna.

II. The Yasna Proper.

CHAPTER XIII.

II. THE VISPARAD CEREMONY.

Visparad, A prayer for the Ratus.

CHAPTER XIV.

III. THE VENDIDAD CEREMONY.

CHAPTER XV.

IV. THE BAJ CEREMONY.

CHAPTER XVI.

II. THE OUTER LITURGICAL SERVICES.

I. The Afrinagan.

CHAPTER XVII.

THE FAROKHSHI.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE SATÛM.

CHAPTER XIX.

GROUPS OF LITURGICAL CEREMONIES.

CHAPTER I.

Birth Ceremonies and Customs.

I.— Birth Ceremonies and Customs.

CHAPTER II. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.